Nor need Mr. Blair be expected to model himself on Palmerston. He could pay closer attention to Margaret Thatcher's management of the special relationship. Lady Thatcher was, of course, a passionate believer in Anglo-American solidarity. But Anglo-American relations were frosty on many subordinate matters of foreign policy, such as the US invasion of the Commonwealth island of Grenada. The Falklands War, Thatcher's finest hour, was from first to last a British operation, enjoying only limited US support. Above all, the Reagan-Thatcher partnership was perceived, even if misperceived, as one of equals. It thus increased Britain's standing and self-respect.

Unfortunately, such nuances are lost when viewed from across the Atlantic. Tony Blair's travails will convince many Americans that he is the victim of anti-Americanism. Every opinion poll suggests that he is not. Britain suffers from none of that embittered envy of American great power status that affects much of continental Europe.

The main responsibility to rectify matters lies with the Conservative Opposition. Michel Howard's forensic skills in the debates over Hutton will need to be complemented by a broader statesmanship. He will have to explain to the British public why the Anglo-American relationship is a keystone of national interest, and at the same time that national interest alone must determine the priorities of British foreign policy. It will be equally necessary, and still more difficult, to explain to America, beginning with conservative America, that Tony Blair is not and never was John Bull.

Robin Harris was a member of Margaret Thatcher's Downing Street Policy Unit. He is Consultant Direct of the Politeia think tank. A version of this piece has also appeared in the Spectator.